On the night of March 4, as the polls closed in Texas and Ohio and votes were tallied, the obvious became official: Senator John McCain had secured the Republican Party nomination for President by surpassing the required 1,191 delegate threshold. Suddenly, the GOP had a new face; a face rarely ever associated with party norms, a face wrinkled and old, one that had endured the bitterness of Washington politics and, before that, the horrors of war. How could we pass over other qualified contenders? More importantly, could this man win in November, especially in a year in which Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama would turn out new voters and untold amounts of cash? Yet, despite all of his scars, John McCain is the only Republican ready, willing, and able to keep the Democrats from the White House.

An Unprecedented Challenge

Any Republican would begin the 2008 campaign facing daunting and nearly insurmountable challenges. The GOP goes in knowing that 1988 stands as the only time since World War II that a party was able to elect three consecutive presidents (Reagan in 1980 and 1984, George H.W. Bush in 1988). On top of the electoral history, the party is burdened with a very unpopular sitting president, a general public weary of two ongoing wars, and an economy buckling under the weight of rising energy prices and a faltering housing market.

As for our adversaries, Democrats Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama both have unique electoral appeal. Nominating either as presidential candidates would be an historic event and their campaigns have shown the ability to excite new voters and produce record fundraising. These obstacles may prove too formidable to overcome, no matter how great our efforts. Yet it is imperative to our chances that the Republican Party platform abandons the flawed style of conservatism practiced by the Bush Administration. Rolling out the conventional Republican talking points or relying on the ever-elusive "base" will not produce a win in November. Republicans must reinvigorate the party’s platform in 2008 and reach out to all Americans.

Reinvigorating the “Big Tent”

"As the Party of the open door, while steadfast to our commitment to our ideals, we respect and accept that members of our Party can have deeply held and sometimes differing views. This diversity is a source of strength, not a sign of weakness, and so we welcome into our ranks all who may hold differing positions."

The above quote appears in the preamble of the Republican Party's 2004 platform put forth at the national convention. It speaks to the necessity of expanding our party's support in today's acrimonious political environment. John McCain has already established his ability to draw a unique constituency, as Catholics, the elderly, Hispanics, Independents, and veterans delivered him key wins in the primary season. In fact, McCain is the ideal candidate to vie for the coveted "Reagan Democrats," those predominantly working-class voters who reside in Northern states such as Michigan, New Jersey, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Non-ideological in nature, these voters will be drawn to McCain's common sense approach to spending, immigration, and defense.

Sadly, conservatives are now tagged as radical religious fanatics who bungled the Iraq War and ignored the needs of the average American. Conservatism has taken on a terribly negative connotation often synonymous with stubborn resistance and utter negligence. The Republican Party, once united behind the pure ideals of conservatism, now has lost its way by polluting its true intention and scope. Shaping a fresh narrative for the American people must be a priority for the McCain campaign. As the Democratic candidates exude their party's diversity, charisma, and (inexperienced) youth, the GOP must highlight examples of successful conservative governance.

McCain's ability to present a dynamic, efficient, and reformist platform will be imperative to his chances in the fall. He should encourage Republican governors Charlie Crist of Florida, Bobby Jindal of Louisiana, Sarah Palin of Alaska, Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota, and Mark Sanford of South Carolina to stump on his behalf. This group represents the next generation of party leaders. Their active campaigning could dispel any beliefs that the Grand Ole' Party suffers from a lack of youthful and inspiring officials. In broader terms, McCain will be best suited by adopting a realist and sobering tone: acknowledge the problems our nation is facing, point out his past objections to failed policies, and push results-driven market solutions.

A War Left Unfinished

Six and half years removed from the September 11th, 2001 terrorist attacks, the American public has lost faith in our international security policies. The semantics of a "War on Terror" has overshadowed American national interests and the overriding principles of our military action. John McCain must remind the public of the ever-evolving threat of militant Islam and other violent fundamentalists. He would be wise to showcase his quarter-century of foreign policy expertise and, before that, his time as a Navy pilot and POW in Vietnam.

McCain, despite the obvious gap he enjoys in international experience relative to the Democratic candidates, realizes he stands on shaky ground. As a steadfast supporter of the President Bush's "surge" strategy in Iraq, he also must illustrate how his foreign policy would diverge from the administration. While the voters will reward him for his unwavering courage on Iraq and his original opposition to Defense Secretary Rumsfeld's misguided military reforms, they will not tolerate further alienation of our vital allies or the general appeasement of dubious regimes in Russia and Pakistan.

One of the more regretful weaknesses of the Bush foreign policy was the President's disregard for public communication. Whether he has had a general aversion to voter interaction or simply found it meaningless once his approval ratings dropped into the freezing range, it is obvious that Bush has accomplished more to secure our nation than is actually perceived. John McCain could reverse this trend by giving a continual series of policy speeches on our purpose and goals on the world stage. An emphasis should be placed upon our success in preventing an attack on the homeland since September 11th and the inroads we have made in fracturing terror cells abroad. Most importantly, McCain would be better well positioned to win the Presidency if he can harness the public dialogue that has been previously filled by misconception and general disconnect.

Furthermore, the Arizona Senator could outline a few key Middle Eastern policies that would be both pragmatic and just. Simply put, McCain cannot shy away from our failure to capture Osama Bin Laden. The campaign should reiterate his undying desire to bring Bin Laden to justice. Additionally, America must not present conflicting sympathies to other nations. A McCain Administration must reconsider our aid to non-democracies such as Ethiopia, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan. We cannot call for democratic reform in countries such as Egypt, Iran, and Syria while turning a blind eye to authoritarian and oppressive rule in nations that assist us in our struggle against radical expansionist forces.

The push towards dramatic Middle Eastern democratization over the past five years is both admirable and long overdue. Yet the movement does not reflect the realities of Middle Eastern politics or the chance of achieving lasting liberalization. The election of Hamas in Palestine is a prime example of what can go wrong if a long-suppressed and economically-distressed electorate is empowered too quickly. In the Middle East, The United States must carefully walk a tightrope between our duty to push for individual liberty versus the need for viable civic institutions and economic mobility. In countries such as Pakistan, where the military is the only true functioning body, we must not forget the fragile nature of governing coalitions and their unsteady grasp on violent groups waiting for chaos to erupt.

From a more personal standpoint, John McCain needs to address his views on torture. As a man who served his nation with unrelenting honor and sacrifice, one who suffered five years of brutal abuse in a Vietcong prison, McCain must denounce and reject torture. Unless the homeland faces an imminent invasion or attack, overly-aggressive interrogations, whether physical or mental or mental in nature, are unacceptable. The United States has a chance to maintain a moral high ground over our murderous enemies and we cannot imitate their cruel and monstrous tactics. Let it be known that a denunciation of torture, no matter how evil the enemy, is not a sign of surrender. John McCain would be taking a principled stand, drawing a line and daring any foreign threat to defeat our ideas, our diplomacy, our military, and our freedom.

Spending and Economics

Simply strengthening his national security credentials alone will not be enough to deliver the White House to John McCain. As the economy sours and voters shift their focus to domestic issues, the Republican Party cannot follow our past rhetoric in lock-step unity. If nothing changes, 2008 will soon turn into 1992, when a foreign policy novice in Bill Clinton defeated an experienced executive in George H.W. Bush. Growing instability calls for an engaging discussion on trade and the effects of globalization on the American economy. John McCain must clearly state the benefits of free and fair trade and highlight the consequences of protectionist policies. America has never gotten anywhere by shuttering its windows and closing for business. An optimistic view of trade, however, will not completely remedy the feelings of uncertainty among the American people.

An examination of the McCain website reveals an economic outline heavily adorned with tax cuts. After once voting against the Bush tax cuts, McCain has pledged to make the legislation permanent. He has also included broad middle class tax credits and other new cuts. This country was born from a protest against an unwieldy tax burden and tax breaks undoubtedly have an important role in promoting economic growth, mobilization, and widespread prosperity. Yet, with a looming federal debt, the Republican Party cannot simply rubberstamp their support for every tax cut. Middle class Americans are facing a growing crunch and the government should not be foolish enough to think that the money they want to keep in the public’s hands will actually be spent on economic goods. Officials at the Federal Reserve and Treasury would be better suited spending their resources on propping up our weak currency and fighting inflation.

Two economic proposals would significantly enhance John McCain’s appeal to working class voters. The Senator has already done a brilliant job at blasting Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama for their taste of wasteful spending habits. His refusal to request any earmarks for his home state is an example of his enduring fiscal restraint. McCain will continue to ridicule Democrats and Republicans alike for their manipulation of public funds to win over particular constituencies. Since Clinton and Obama stand among the top ten most spend-happy legislators on Capitol Hill, general election voters will be increasingly drawn towards McCain’s pander-proof history. Secondly, the presumptive Republican nominee would be gain from adopting a policy to simplify the tax system. Whether it is comes from the consolidation of various taxes or the implementation of a flat tax, Americans desire a streamlined and deregulated model. Such a move will both alleviate public angst over a mind-numbing maze of tax requirements and endear John McCain to the fiscal wing of the Republican Party that may still be skeptical of the Senator’s past record.

McCain As An Agent of Change

Years from now, we will remember this election season for the word every candidate has wished to embody: change. For the Democrats, change represents withdraw from Iraq, a further increase in government spending, higher taxes, and a federally-implemented healthcare system. The American people certainly have reason to be upset. We have lost our focus abroad and our balanced fiscal habits at home. John McCain must make it clear that his administration would not be a continuation of failed Bush conservatism. In that way, he would be the real change for which this country desperately yearns. Make no mistake, liberal politics have never sat well with the public and rightly so. John McCain will govern as an efficient, effective, and dynamic conservative. He will carry out international affairs in a way that puts an end to a continuing Al-Qaeda threat, strengthens our alliances with nations committed to democracy, and takes a harder look at supposed “friends” in Pakistan, Russia, and Saudi Arabia. In addition, our economy will benefit from a McCain Presidency that stresses the power of the free market without forgetting the role government plays in oversight and reform. Whether it is immigration, healthcare, or alternative energy, McCain will not hesitate to engage party leaders from both sides of the aisle. I am fully confident that he will place country before party, not afraid of alienating special interests or corrupt coalitions.

In a year of uncertainty within the Republican ranks, as we prepare to face a trailblazing Democratic candidate, John McCain is one of the last true American patriots. Given the chance to return home during his captivity in Vietnam, McCain refused because other prisoners were still being held. His courage and fortitude does not mean he deserves the Presidency, yet his burning desire to fight through to the end illustrates he ability to outlast any obstacle. I will be proud to cast my first ballot for John Sidney McCain, a man capable of leading America to a greater future.